Quickly, those expanded powers had been used against the PKK and Kurdish nationalists as well. In its actions, the government has a great deal of support: in such a climate of fear, calls for security at all costs ring out louder than those for respecting civil liberties. Voices pointing out that mass arrests and firings have not halted acts of shocking violence—or arguing that imprisoning the leadership of the main Kurdish political party pushes people toward non -electoral means of protest—are dismissed as apologists for terrorists. Challenging the constitutional changes is characterized as equivalent to perpetuating the violence. It takes brave people to speak up under such circumstances. A constitution. I even want to say that this constitution stinks [of coup leader] Kenan Evren. Real opposition, therefore, falls to people like Kerestecioğlu who entered politics through movements such as the feminist movement that challenged the authority of state leaders to Bakırköy Escort Nesrun Snape homogeneity on society. On the Streets: Workers, Students, and Lawyers On the Streets: The Feminist Movement Filiz Kerestecioğlu was born in January in Gölcük, a small town along the Marmara coast in the province of Kocaeli. Though her family soon moved to Istanbul, the town is illustrative of the larger trends which people living in Turkey experienced during her youth: between andthe population more than doubled. During these years of rapid industrialization and economic growth, people flocked to Istanbul and the surrounding Marmara region; they either left behind old networks of family and friends or adapted those networks to serve their needs in new settings. And these organizations were allowed more space to develop thanks to a new constitution approved in June of TİP lacked the large followings of more established political parties—and in advance of the parliamentary elections, those parties could draw on pre-existing organizations to establish campaign offices. TİP, by contrast, had only organized in six provinces including Kocaeli by election time and was unable to compete. Aybar was followed by a number of like-minded intellectuals who came to dominate the party. Even so, the party repeatedly came under attack from groups like the Struggle With Communism Societies. Uncertain of their safety, TİP leaders met with the prime minister to request protection. In earlytwo sitting senators joined the party, enabling it to raise issues with the constitutional court: these included the death penalty and the removal of articles and from the penal code. These articles prohibited political activity premised on the notion of class division. In the run-up to the October parliamentary elections the aid of these senators was particularly helpful since the party still had not established itself in enough provinces to contest the June senate elections. The existence of a clearly left-wing party between had discernable effects on the political landscape. In opposition, the CHP had called for a right to strike, a constitutional court, and central economic planning. Since its establishment with support from American labor organizations inTürk-İş had always maintained good relations with the state and worked to restrain more confrontational tendencies among its members, in part by controlling the flow of state funds to those members. Yet over the course of the s—especially after the election—Türk-İş and the labor movement as Bakırköy Escort Nesrun Snape whole began to fragment. In the election, TİP won 2. Outside parliament, events were moving much faster than TİP seemed capable of managing. Pro-TİP student organizations established following the election quickly grew dissatisfied. Bymore radical notions of revolution were coming to dominate student politics and the TİP leadership had lost much influence. TİP had more success on forming links with labor organizations. In earlyTürk-İş refused to support a strike by an Istanbul glass workers union. When the union went ahead with the strike, the confederation suspended it along with five other unions that had supported it. In earlythe socialist government of Czechoslovakia had broken with Soviet orthodoxy. When the divided party finally limped into the elections, it won only two seats. In Julythe party itself was closed following a military coup. The military Bakırköy Escort Nesrun Snape of was less thoroughgoing than its predecessor had been. The ruling conservative party was forced to resign in favor of a technocratic cabinet; politicians were not arrested en masse and major parties remained open. Sincethe student movement had been slipping from the control of elected politicians; outside political figures like Mihri Belli, a former member of the Turkish Communist Party who called for a left-wing military seizure of power grew in influence. Some student leaders traveled to Lebanon to receive military training from the Palestinian Liberation Organization. Around 70, workers turned out, fighting with police and blocking the highway to Ankara. Three protesters were killed Bakırköy Escort Nesrun Snape dozens of protesters were injured. In the case of the CHP, opposition to the coup led to the first change of leadership in thirty-four years; eighty-eight year old leader İsmet İnönü was forced out by the more vocally left-wing leader Bülent Ecevit. Under the conservatives, pressure on left-wing groups continued and right-wing groups felt emboldened. The amnesty had released the revolutionaries of the late s into a political environment where legal avenues for challenging the political order seemed, if anything, more narrow than before.
Çağırdım, onunla beş saat konuşma yaptım. Gerçe¤in yeniden üretimi gibi durabiliyor ça¤dafl sanat. As a child she had loved music and poetry and even considered going to a conservatory before opting for law school. O zaman düzeltmeye kalkıştığınızda ortaya toplumsal, bireysel birçok gerilimin çıktığını görürsünüz. Bazıları buna ulusal kültüre dönüş diyorlar.
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